TEL AVIV — Israel’s fourth election in two years has ended in another stalemate, with neither Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu nor his opponents able to win a parliamentary majority, according to final results released Thursday by the Israeli election authority.

The results set the stage for weeks or even months of protracted coalition negotiations that many analysts expect may fail, prompting yet another election in late summer.

• Six detainees allegedly tortured while in custody

• Overuse of pre-trial detentions and violation of fair trials

• Dire conditions of detention aggravated by COVID-19

• Progress noted in investigations into electoral violence

Hundreds of people in Côte d’Ivoire are languishing in dire conditions in prison after being arrested during violence and election-related protests last year, including many who are in pre-trial detention with limited access to lawyers, Amnesty International said today.

The organization interviewed 52 people during a mission in Côte d’Ivoire last month, including former detainees, families of detainees, lawyers, victims of violence and activists. Researchers also met with authorities to assess the judicial response to the protests and violence that occurred between August and November 2020, surrounding the presidential election in October.

At least 300 people including activists, protesters, opposition supporters, and alleged perpetrators of violence from across the political spectrum have been arrested and detained. It was not possible to ascertain the exact number of people currently in detention in the context of these events as the authorities did not provide this information, and Amnesty delegates were not allowed to visit the prisons despite a formal request.

“Detainees are suffering dire conditions in already overcrowded prisons. Many of them have limited access to lawyers or medical treatment, and current COVID-19 restrictions impede visits from their families. They must be treated humanely and must be able to communicate with their families and lawyers,” said Samira Daoud, Amnesty International West and Central Africa Director.

“We call on authorities in Côte d’Ivoire to put an end to the systematic use of  pre-trial detention, especially, to immediately and unconditionally release those arbitrarily detained and to expedite proceedings for the other detainees in due respect of the rights of the defense.”

Amnesty International welcomes the progress that has been made in investigating  the violence that raged between supporters of the ruling and the opposition parties in many towns, as families of victims of killings during such violence are still in need of justice, truth and reparations. The delegation noted that investigations are ongoing, and some arrests have already been made.

However, the organization documented several human rights violations linked with the judicial process of protesters and other people, including arbitrary arrests, systematic pre-trial detention, lack of legal assistance, allegations of torture or other ill-treatment, and poor detention conditions.

Arbitrary detentions

In August 2020, demonstrations were called by opposition parties to denounce President Alassane Ouattara’s candidacy for a third term. From that point on, many people were arbitrarily arrested, including opposition members and civil society activists, for exercising their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

Although some people have since been released after having spent days, weeks, or months in detention, many remain behind bars. Among them is Pulchérie Edith Gbalet, the president of social justice organization Alternative Citoyenne Ivoirienne (ACI).

Pulchérie was arrested on 15 August 2020 by masked individuals after she called for peaceful demonstrations. She was charged with compromising public order, participation in an insurrectionary movement, undermining the state’s authority, willful destruction of public properties, and causing a gathering.

Three of her colleagues, Gbaou Gedeon Junior, Kouakou N’Goran Aime Cesar and Djehi Bi Cyrille were arrested on the same charges. They all remain in detention at MACA central prison in Abidjan.

“Pulchérie Edith Gbalet, her three colleagues and other people arbitrarily detained must be immediately and unconditionally released. They must be allowed to return to their family safely and be able to continue with their legitimate activist work,” said Michèle Eken, Amnesty International West Africa researcher.

The organization documented several cases of people who were arbitrarily detained, including many who did not participate in the protests.

One businessman was arrested in November 2020 on his way to his office, which is near the headquarters of an opposition party. He is still detained at MACA after being charged with public disorder.

Another detainee was arrested in August 2020 while going to a pharmacy on a day that protests were occurring and has been in pre-trial detention ever since.

Systematic pre-trial detention and inadequate legal assistance

Many of those arrested in connection with the protests and violence have been in pre-trial detention for months. Many did not have access to a lawyer from the moment they were detained and appeared in front of the investigating judge without a lawyer to dispute the charges and the need for detention.

“Pre-trial detention should be the exception, not the norm. It should never be used as an advance punishment for people who have not been – and may never be- found guilty. It is important to respect the presumption of innocence and the right to fair trial of all people subject to criminal charges, including the right to have a lawyer,” said Samira Daoud.

Allegations of torture

Six individuals were allegedly forced to accept the charges against them after being subject to torture or other ill-treatment.

One man who was arrested on 31 October 2020  spent nearly a month  at the Directorate for the Surveillance of the Territory (DST) where he and five others were allegedly tortured with power lead and tasers, then beaten with machetes, before signing the statements that they were not allowed to read. They were then transferred to MACA.

A youth leader of an opposition party was arrested in November, handcuffed, and taken to the DST where he was allegedly punched and beaten before being charged with eight counts, including disturbing public order and conspiracy against the state.

Another man who was arrested on 18 October spent six days at the DST where he was allegedly beaten with machetes and power leads.

“Authorities in Côte d’Ivoire must immediately launch independent, impartial and effective investigations into allegations that some detainees were tortured and threatened while in custody,” said Michèle Eken.

Dire prison conditions 

Lawyers and authorities told Amnesty International that most detainees, including those arrested in other towns, are being held at MACA central prison.

As of January 2020, the prison held 7,782 people more than half pre-trial detainees, far beyond its capacity for 1,500. Eyewitnesses described how the MACA has become more overcrowded following the wave of arrests between August and November last year.

As well as severe overcrowding, they described unsanitary conditions that led to illnesses. At least one detainee who arrived at MACA in August tested positive for COVID-19. Another was not allowed to shower for three days.

In the women’s section of the prison, former detainees said they showered, washed dishes and did laundry in the same hot and mosquito-filled cell.

Ill-health made worse by lack of medical care  

At least one person arrested surrounding those events and held at MACA has died.

Aristide Ahui died on 9 March 2021 after he was transferred to the hospital. He had been arrested on 29 October 2020 for undermining the state authority while he was on his way to get drinks and had then been detained at MACA prison pending his trial. His right foot was paralyzed, and his health quickly deteriorated while he was in pre-trial detention.

According to information received by Amnesty International, Aristide Ahui’s condition got so bad that he was unable to speak or move. He was transferred to the hospital once early in February this year then sent back to prison where his condition deteriorated.

Following pressure from several figures, Aristide Ahui was hospitalized again at ‘’CHU Cocody’’ hospital at the end of February, where he died on 9 March. The hospital bills were covered by his family.

A family member told Amnesty International:

“After his arrest I was unable to visit him due to COVID-19 restrictions. They searched the house. He did not have a lawyer. He was not sick before his arrest. I was told he first suffered from tuberculosis. He was chained to the hospital bed.”

Another detainee had been arrested on 13 August along with dozens of others, charged with public disorder and sent to MACA prison. He was diagnosed with a heart condition before being arrested and has been unable to see a heart specialist since his detention. He was sent to the hospital when he arrived at the prison as he could not breathe well due to chest pain. He was given a weeklong treatment of antibiotics, which helped him feel a bit better but he later relapsed.

“As prison overcrowding  worsens, and amid the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, we reiterate our call on authorities to ensure more people are released, in particular detainees with underlying medical conditions, in accordance with the recommendations of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights,’’ said  Samira Daoud.

“Authorities should ensure that pre-trial detention is only used as a measure of last resort.”

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Robert Popper is a Judicial Watch senior attorney who served as the deputy chief of the voting section of the Civil Rights Division of the U.S. Department of Justice from 2008 to 2013. In the following op-ed for The Hill he reveals the massive power grab the Left plans on elections across the land:

Ever since House Resolution 1, the Democrats’ 886-page partisan wish list of a voting bill, passed the House on a party-line vote earlier this month, its critics have had a lot to say. They correctly point out that the bill federalizes election law on a historically unprecedented scale, systematically impairs existing federal and state laws concerning election integrity, and imposes new burdens and restrictions on political speech and activity. All of this is apparent from the text of the bill.

Less obvious — indeed, almost hidden from anyone who does not specialize in voting law — is a provision of H.R. 1 requiring states to draw federal congressional districts in a way that favors Democrats: “Districts shall comply with the Voting Rights Act … including by creating any districts where two or more politically cohesive groups protected by such Act are able to elect representatives of choice in coalition with one another.” The bill adds that districts must “ensure the practical ability” of such groups to “elect representatives of choice … regardless of whether or not such protected group constitutes a majority” of a district.

“In coalition with one another” — these innocent-seeming words are, in fact, an attempt to reverse particular rulings of the Supreme Court and compel the drawing of what are known as “coalition” districts specially constructed to ensure Democratic majorities.

The checkered history of coalition districts is bound up with cases interpreting Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, which forbids any practice that causes members of a racial group to “have less opportunity than other members of the electorate to participate in the political process and to elect representatives of their choice.” This clause has long been interpreted to forbid at-large elections where these allow a racial majority to dominate a racial minority.

Here is how this might happen: In an at-large election for, say, a city council of seven members, every member is elected by the entire population of the city; if voting is racially polarized, a racial majority of only 55 percent of the city’s voters has the power to elect all seven council members, effectively denying the large minority any representation whatsoever. The remedy for this kind of violation of Section 2 is the imposition of electoral districts. These allow the city-wide minority a chance to prevail locally in at least a few of those districts. But before compelling such a remedy — that is, before throwing out a jurisdiction’s chosen electoral system and imposing a district plan — the Supreme Court logically requires that a racial minority at least have a chance of forming a majority in one of the new districts.

In the intervening years, the plaintiffs suing to enforce Section 2 have most often been Black or Hispanic voters. In any particular jurisdiction, they may not have sufficient numbers to make up a majority in a new district. Further, many of these voters tend to vote for Democrats, and the requirement that they be placed in districts where they can form a majority often conflicts with the desire of Democratic operatives that they be placed strategically to maximize the party’s electoral chances.

Enter the concept of coalition districts. Suppose there are too few black voters to form a majority in a new district. The idea is that, if enough white voters join them, or if enough Hispanic or other minority voters join them, and if this “coalition” is large enough to constitute a voting majority in that district, then drawing it becomes legally necessary to ensure minority voters’ opportunity “to elect representatives of their choice.”

This is a transparent partisan trick. What special interest do minority voters in such a district share with other minority or majority voters who may join them to form a majority? The only answer is that they all intend to vote the same way. . . .

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Left-wing activists groups are targeting the state of Georgia after Gov. Brian Kemp (R) signed an election integrity bill into law last week.

One of the most high-profile targets of the boycotts is the Augusta National Golf Course, home to the Professional Golf Association’s (PGA) Masters Tournament, the most storied professional golf tournament in the United States.

“The PGA Tour and Masters Tournament have both made commitments to help diversify golf and address racial inequities in this country – and we expect them to not only speak out against Georgia’s new racist voter suppression law – but to also take action,” David J. Johns, Executive Director of the The National Black Justice Coalition said in a statement (pictured above).

Many critics of the bill call it “racist.”

Other potential victims of a boycott of the Peach State include Coca Cola, which is headquartered in Georgia, along with Major League Baseball, which intends to host its All-Star game in Georgia this year.

Savannah Mayor Van Johnson said on Twitter that he will not be purchasing Coca Cola products for the foreseeable future.

I am not feeling like purchasing or consuming @CocaCola or any of its products for quite some time… Looking at a few other GA companies. How about you?

— Van R. Johnson, II (@VanRJohnson) March 26, 2021

Aflac, Delta Air Lines, Home Depot and UPS, all based in Georgia, are also being urged to speak out against the law, and could face boycotts if they do not comply.

This boycott is different than most.

None of the companies or entities in question actively supported the election integrity bill, which requires voter identification for absentee ballots, and limits the use of ballot drop-boxes, which caused headaches during the 2020 election cycle, as hundreds of thousands of legally-required chain of custody documents for absentee ballots left in drop boxes were never provided.

In fact, the companies and entities facing boycott took no stance on the bill.

But their silence is being construed as support by some of the state’s leading radical leftists.

“We will speak with our wallets,” well known African Methodist Episcopal Bishop Reginald Jackson told The Atlanta Journal-Constitution. “This past summer, Coke and other corporations said they needed to speak out against racism. But they’ve been mighty quiet about this.”

– – –

Pete D’Abrosca is a contributor at The Georgia Star News and The Star News Network. Follow Pete on Twitter. Email tips to dabroscareports@gmail.com.
Photo “David Johns” by National Urban League.

The post Leftists Target Georgia for Boycotts After Election Integrity Law Passed appeared first on The Georgia Star News.